Wednesday 17 July 2013

Prime Minister Under Fire as Minimum Pricing is Dropped

The Prime Minister David Cameron is under increasing pressure to reveal the conversations, if any, which took place between himself and his election guru, Lyton Crosby in what has been the continuation of the controversial lobby scandal.


In what was a rowdy session of Prime Minister's question time, the Leader of the Opposition, Ed Milliband was on the attack, continually pressing the Prime Minister to give an answer over the accusations.
Rowdy scenes at PMQ's today.
'He has caved into big tobacco... in a disgraceful episode', Milliband shouted over the dispatch box this afternoon, with the Prime Minister responding by clarifying that Mr. Crosby had never sought to lobby the government on anything.

Later on today, the Home Office Minister, Jeremy Browne MP confirmed that the proposed minimum pricing for alcohol would not be implemented along with plans to introduce plain packaging for cigarettes, which have been put on hold.
This has led to the eruption of a political row in which the government has been accused of rolling over as a result of the pressure from the alcohol and tobacco industries.

Firstly, we must review the situation at hand, the Labour opposition are supposed to be doing much better at the moment, are they not? They are an opposition party tasked with holding to account a government in the mid term, but yet they are the ones who are being held to account. The influence of the trade unions in rigging candidate selections and chosing the official policies o
f the Labour Party.

In a time where unemployment is falling, the deficit has come down and the outlook for the economy as whole is looking better, where are their alternative policies?

What we are indeed faced with is a desperate opposition party in which their shadow ministers have become the story instead of creating the story. They have become the embarrassment instead of creating the embarrassment and they are the ones being held to account when they should be holding ministers to account. This is an attempt to push the spotlight and the blame away from where it is desperately needed right now.


Minimum pricing for alcohol has been dropped
I personally welcome the decision taken by the government to drop the minimum price of alcohol and the plain packaging of cigarettes because I have always felt that it has been another example of the state 'getting too big for it's boot', so to speak.
We should avoid at all costs a state in which ordinary hard working people are hit with an increase in alcohol per unit in the super markets when all they desire is a bottle of wine or some cans of lager after a difficult day at work. It is another classic case of punishing the many for the behaviour of a few.
As for the plain packaging of cigarettes, for those who actually believe that plain packets for cigarettes will actually improve the state of public health are, I am afraid, misguided. People are already addicted to tobacco and I am sure the last thing which gets people smoking in the first place, is the artistic and enticing designs on the packaging.

These plans were right to be dropped, they wouldn't work and hit those in the pocket who like a casual drink after work. This is common sense, not the work of some inside adviser who has ties with the tobacco industry. Nice try Mr. Milliband, but this is convincing nobody.

Prime Minister's Questions: 17 July 2013


Friday 12 July 2013

Pay Rise for Politicians?


After the darkest of periods in history for our politicians in Westminster over their expenses, the perception of many that members’ of Parliament are there to line their own pockets returns to the minds of those not easy to impress, the Great British Public of course.

MP's currently earn £66,396 per year.
The Commons expenses Watchdog, IPSA, has proposed that members’ of parliament should receive a pay rise of around £6,000 or a 9.26% hike taking effect from 2015. This is part of wider changes to be implemented by the regulator in the wake of the 2009 expenses scandal.
The Chairman, Sir Ian Kennedy made clear that it was simply ‘wrong’ that MP’s should continue to receive low pay and also went on to comment about the previous expenses scandal in which too much restraint was the root cause of the abuse of expenses, or in other words, MP’s were paid the low pay which MP’s received in 2009 led them to claim on expenses in order to almost ‘top up’ their salaries.
Sir Ian has been subject, quite rightly, to criticism even from MP’s over the proposed rise in pay, it is a move that will seem out of touch, further damaging the confidence that the public have in our Westminster politicians.

All three major party leaders have also condemned the move by IPSA, a statement was released from Number 10 earlier today expressing the view of the Prime Minister in which it stated that 'the cost of politics should be going down and not up.' A perfect reflection you might think to everything else going on around the country. The cost of most things must come down, especially in the public sector where cuts are being made to reduce the budget deficit. It would seem only fair that MP's feel some of the pressure.
All three party leaders condemn the proposal.


Labour Leader, Ed Miliband said 'I don't think MP's should be getting a 10% pay rise when Nurses and Teachers are facing either pay freezes or very low increases and people in the private sector are facing similar circumstances' 

Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg added that this was simply the worse time to be advocating a double digit pay increase for MP's.


The Conservative MP Andrew Bridgen, however, has publically supported the proposal, saying that members' of parliament are paid around the same as primary school head teachers and there are many of them around my constituency. 'I cannot think of another job where there are only 650 of these roles in the whole of Great Britain that are paid this sort of money.'  As controversial as this argument is at a time of cuts and pay freezes, does Mr Bridgen have a point? Of course I am only playing the devil's advocate but what sort of people would we attract if there was a pay increase? Would we attract more highly qualified people who currently earn more than an MP, who could perhaps do a better job than most of them? Everyone will no doubt come to their own conclusions, but I can safely say that at a time where people are struggling, it would not be in the interest of the public to press ahead with such an increase.



Prime Minister's Questions: 10 July 2013


Tuesday 9 July 2013

Miliband Vows To Weaken Union Influence.



The leader of the Labour Party, Ed Miliband has today made a very daring move for any Labour Leader as he vows to change the relationship between the Trade Unions and his party.
In his speech today, Mr. Miliband outlined how he seeks to reform a system in which the Unite Union could have exercised so much influence over the selection process of parliamentary candidates.

        So what did he propose to do?

·         Trade Union members will no longer be automatically affiliated with the Labour Party and candidates will have to obey a new code of conduct.

 
·         Spending caps to be introduced for would-be candidates and organisations, such as Trade Unions backing them which would apply in domestic and European elections.

 
·         Constituency agreements with unions which would ensure that there is a consensus that no one involved in the selection process will be subject to any undue pressure.

·         Primaries, similar to those in the USA will be favoured to choose parliamentary candidates, a move which could be used to select Labour’s candidate for the office of Mayor for London.


In addition, Ed Miliband has also stated that he wishes to see a limit on outside earnings obtained by Members of Parliament if he wins the next general election in 2015.
Ed Miliband vows to end current relationship with unions.
This move is nothing short of a gamble which could lose the Labour Party a substantial sum of money when it comes to trade union subscription fees in which some money is donated to the Labour Party. This would see an ‘opt in’ mechanism created in which union members could voluntarily pay the £3 in donation to the party.

Former Prime Minister Tony Blair has also today backed the announcement by Mr. Miliband as a ‘defining moment’. However, the problem with this endorsement from the former Prime Minister is that I do not believe that Blair regrets never introducing such measures which could potentially see a fall in party income. The General Secretary of the Unite Union, Len McCluskey has described the move as ‘very brave’ which indicates that even he was not expecting such a bold move from the Labour Leadership.

Labour Party funding by Trade Unions. Source: Sky News
The Conservative Party Chairman, Grant Shapps MP has described the plans weak and meaningless, and of course, Mr. Shapps makes a good point in that Miliband was able to become the Leader of the Labour Party due to the trade union votes cast in the leadership race. So just how far is Mr Miliband prepared to go in ensuring a weakening of trade union influence over the affairs of the Labour Party?

Much to the surprise of many, Ed Miliband took the opportunity to criticise those Members of Parliament who undertake work outside of Parliament. We at the Adjournment disagree with this criticism; we believe that Members of Parliament are entitled to a second job which will endeavour them to bring expertise in debates.

If there is an important piece of legislation which comes before the House of Commons regarding reform of the law around criminal justice, the public would not only wish to see those members with legal expertise to contribute to the debates, but we wish the public wish to see the practising barristers and solicitors who are also Members of Parliament contribute in intense debate so that we have confidence that those with the expertise and those who have up to date knowledge are scrutinising proposed legislation in our name with very analytical minds.

 

Shadow Foreign Secretary Targeted By Unite


The Adjournment has learned that in addition to the controversy in Falkirk, the Shadow Foreign Secretary, Douglas Alexander MP was targeted by the Unite Union in a bid to ensure that he lost his seat at the next general Election.

In leaked minutes of the Unite Unions governing Council, it revealed that the Union wished to oust the Shadow Foreign Secretary in a boundary review proposal that would see his Paisley and Renfrewshire South constituency merged with the neighbouring Paisley and Renfrewshire North constituency which is held by Jim Sheridan MP, who quite funnily enough is the chair of the Unite Parliamentary Group.
Unite Planned to unseat Douglas Alexander MP.

According to Labour sources, the proposal to create a merged Paisley and Renfrew seat saw Unite increase its membership activity in the area in the hope that Sheridan would be selected over Alexander for the new constituency.

The Shadow Foreign Secretary, Douglas Alexander has always be associated as a member of the Blairite faction and this proposal which would ultimately have seen his constituency abolished and himself unseated is yet more evidence of the Unite Union wishing to purge the Labour Party of all Blairites and replace them with members who will deliver that all important left wing general election campaign which Len McCluskey wishes to see.

More on this particular story as it develops.

Labour embroiled in Trade Union Scandal


The Labour party have this week been embroiled in a scandal which has resulted, in what has been a questionable issue for some time, a review into the relationship between the Labour Party and the Trade Union movement.
Falkirk MP, Eric Joyce is to step down at next election.

This has originated from the decision of the Falkirk MP, Eric Joyce, not to stand at the next election in 2015. As it stands at present, Falkirk is a very safe Labour seat and therefore, when it comes down to the local constituency Labour Party and their selection process, the successful candidate is almost guaranteed to become the next Member of Parliament for Falkirk. A big responsibility, you may think, but where there is opportunity on this scale, there is always room for skulduggery.
Unite is the biggest donor to Labour.

It has come to light this week that the General Secretary of the Unite Union, Len McCluskey very much has an agenda of his own. In a leaked statement, the Unite Union have been exposed as wishing to see more candidates, approved by the Union, to stand at the next general election and that furthermore, Labour Leader Ed Miliband should seek to lead a left wing general election campaign.

So what has this to do with Falkirk? The local Labour Party was actually swamped with Unite Union members who then sought to vote for the Prospective Parliamentary Candidate, and if you had not have guessed, the candidate approved by the Unite Union won the ballot. The vote in Falkirk was in effect rigged by the United Union. Although any talk of the incidents in Falkirk have not been able to be asked on the floor of the House of Commons due to the Speaker’s ruling that this is purely a party matter, it does raise an important issue in which a man such as Len McCluskey, who as the chief of the biggest donor to the Labour Party can exercise so much influence over the selection of candidates as well as raising the question of just how long such an arrangement has been going on for.

On the Andrew Marr show on Sunday 7th July 2013, Harriet Harman, the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party denied that there was a ‘public spat’ between the Labour Leadership and the Unite Union, although from the exchanges that we have seen between the two, The Adjournment believe that this is a very ‘public spat’.
 
General Secretary, Len McCluskey.
In a statement, Len McCluskey wrote;

…“Simply a ‘stitch-up’ designed to produce some evidence, however threadbare, to justify pre-determined decisions taken in relation to Falkirk CLP.

“Even on the basis of this flimsy report, it is clear that these decisions cannot be justified. There is no emergency which would justify imposing these undemocratic restrictions, since any real problems could easily be addressed before embarking on a parliamentary selection process.

“The report has been used to smear Unite and its members. Even if the allegations of people being signed up to the Party without their knowledge were true, this had nothing whatsoever to do with my union.

“It is noteworthy that members of the shadow cabinet have been in the lead in initiating this attack upon Unite. Have they had sight of this report while I, the leader of the union put in the frame, has not had the courtesy of a copy?


Tom Watson MP stepped down as Labour election Chief.
“The mishandling of this investigation has been a disgrace. I, however, am obliged to uphold the integrity of Unite, and I can no longer do so on the basis of going along with the activities of a Labour Party administration in which I can place no trust.”

Notice at the end of his statement, he clearly states he has no trust in the administration of the Labour Party. Mr Miliband hit back, accusing Mr McCluskey of defending "malpractice" and demanding he "face up to his responsibilities" as he sought to counter Tory efforts to exploit the controversy. Leading, inevitably, to the resignation of the election coordinator of the Labour Parliamentary Party Tom Watson MP who had done so because he had ‘become the story’. His resignation came much to the delight of Jeremy Clarkson who wrote in The Sun that he had resigned in disgrace.

This will be a big test for Miliband's leadership.
An opposition party, however, which in the mid-term of a government, should be riding high in the opinion polls and exposing failures of ministers as well as proposing new and exciting policies to entice voters and hit the headlines are now stuck in what will be a very difficult time for the Labour Party. Unite Union give the Labour Party around £8 Million in donations and now, following this, will that be put at risk? This close to the next General Election?

There comes a time in the career of a leader of the Opposition where their leadership is tested, along with their ability to think quickly to deal with the internal issues of their party. I think this will be a true test to Ed Miliband’s leadership, if he fails, the chances of him becoming the next Prime Minister will diminish ever further.

Prime Minister's Questions: 3 July 2013


Monday 17 June 2013

Let Britain Decide

As we at the Adjournment pointed out in a previous article about the membership of Britain in the European Union, the British people have not had a say on what is a very dominant political force in our everyday lives in the last 40 years.

It does not matter whether you are strongly opposed to the idea of the European Union or whether you are in favour of further integration, the point is that it is time to bring the debate to the country and give the people a voice regarding the future ofthe United Kingdom.

The Member of Parliament for Stockton South, James Wharton MP, topped the private member's bill ballot earlier this year and is bringing the referendum bill before Parliament.

The Adjournment supports the great effort by James Wharton to finally bring this bill forward before the next general election, but we recognise there is a long way to go from here.

As the Prime Minister pointed out last week in the House of Commons, there appears to be confusion from the opposition benches regarding this issue with some members of the Shadow Cabinet apparently expressing the need for a referendum on Britain's membership of the European Union. Those many weeks ago when Ed Milliband stood up in the Commons to respond to the Prime Minister, stating that the Labour Party does not support a referendum in a bid to expose the 'deep Tory divides' on the issue of Europe has backfired incredibly, because the British people want to have that say.

You can get behind the campaign to deliver that referendum promise before the next election by visiting;  www.LetBritainDecide.com

You can find details of how to get involved and how to get in touch with your local MP.

So what are we waiting for? Let us bring the debate to the British people today for a better tomorrow.


        

Wednesday 5 June 2013

Prime Minister's Questions: 5 June 2013


Speaker Bercow: Migrant Worker Controversy

Another day, another controversial comment from the Speaker household, although this time not from the outspoken Sally Bercow whose obessession with not endorsing the traditional image of the speakers wife, in her view, landed her in hot water as she accused Lord McAlpine of being involved in sexual abuse via Twitter.

Mr Bercow was elected Speaker in 2009.
The Speaker, John Bercow, has caused uproar as he suggested that migrant workers from Eastern Europe make better worker than British people, claiming that migrant workers have more 'aptitude and commitment'.
Although many would agree with Mr. Bercow that the influx of migrants from the European Union has been a great advantage to the United Kingdom, many will also find that the comments of John Bercow to be totally unfounded and out of touch, for those Britons who roll up the blinds everyday and go to work, where they aim to provide for their families, they will feel undermined by the Speaker.

The issue with these controversial comments is that they come from a political figure who is supposed to be politically neutral, and Mr Bercow has clearly broken the boundaries to comment on matters of policy. The UKIP leader Nigel Farage told the Daily Politics show that Mr. Bercow was a disgrace to the office of Speaker.

Speaking whilst on an official visit to Romania, the Speaker stated that as a friend of Romania, he could see the benefits of immigration in the United Kingdom, but to suggest that the migrants are better workers than the natives of these islands is an outrage, I am sure Mr Bercow would object to the notion of an Eastern European taking his place as Speaker of the House of Commons.
It seems somewhat doubtful as to whether Mr. Bercow will issue an apology for his comments.





Sunday 2 June 2013

Say Sleaze: The Return of the Lobbying scandal?

This week, we have observed the return of the one word which stigmatises the whole basis of the confidence of British voters in the politicians in Westminster, 'Sleaze.'
Over the years, we have seen the big political stories such as cash for honours and cash for questions which has ruined the reputations of politicians from a number of political parties.

It has been revealed, by undercover reporters from the Sunday Times, that three members of the House of Lords were prepared to raise questions in Parli
ament in return for cash from companies, in this case, a South Korean energy firm.

MP's & Peers are allowed to speak on behalf of lobbyists.
There is absolutely nothing wrong with big companies attempting to get close to politicians, the representatives of big industries have an interest in lobbying politicians on issues such as changes to the law, for example, which would see the companies of which the lobbyists are a part, succeed further and grow. This is a perfect example of the operation of democracy because people, whether they are individuals or members of a company have the rights to push those in office or those with influence on the big issues which affect them or their businesses.

The problem in this case, is that the three politicians which have been named by the Sunday Times apparently showed them offering to host functions in the House of Lords, as well as lobby Ministers in return for money.
This is strictly forbidden by rules which are regulated by the Parliamentary Code of Conduct and states that politiciians cannot receive payment as a result of the positions they take on behalf of the lobbyists.

All three Peers deny breaking the rules.
The Ulster Unionist peer, Lord Laird and the two Labour Peers, Lord MacKenzie and Lord Cunningham have referred themselves to the House of Lords Comissioner for standards. Whilst an investigation is being carried out, the Labour Party has rightly taken swift action and suspended both of their Peers, and Lord Laird has resigned the Ulster Unionist whip.
It remains to be seen whether the three Peers will be subject to further action as an investigation is being carried out into the conduct which has appeared to have been carried out in the video recordings of the Sunday Times, but it must be re stated by the Prime Minister and all other party leaders that this kind of self-interest demonstrated by members of all political parties, will not be tolerated and swift disciplinary action will be taken against any MP or member of the House of Lords who seeks to make a profit out of raising an issue within Parliament.

As with any story of potential of misconduct in Westminster, there are those who call for a change in the rules to ensure that this kind of behaviour cannot happen again. The Adjournment does not support any change in the rules, to call for such a change is merely reactionary, to make it seem like something is being done to prevent this kind of behaviour. Both the House of Lords Code of Conduct and the MP's Code of Conduct make it clear that members are not permitted to accept payment for raising question in Parliament, so why is there a need to change the rules? This call for change indicates that there is an ever growing obsession to fix what is not broken. There will always be people in Parliament who will seek to bend the rules, but when they are caught then they face the consequences.

Saturday 25 May 2013

Woolwich: The Aftermath of a Terrorist Attack


The other day, we learned of the sickening events which unfolded on a street in Woolwich, a street in which members of our armed forces use regularly.
Drummer Lee Rigby, 25, was attacked and killed in the most horrific way, on his own soil, in his own country by people who were born and bred in the United kingdom.
Drummer Lee Rigby was brutally killed in Woolwich.

The family of Lee Rigby spoke movingly yesterday of his pride as a drummer, as well as his love and dedication to his family and I pay tribute to him for the great pride which he possessed for his job, as well as the love he had for his country. My thoughts and prayers are with his family at this very difficult time.

This tragic and sickening attack has left the people of the United Kingdom rightly outraged, words cannot simply describe the devastation felt and we can only imagine what the family are going through now, but why did this happen? Why Lee Rigby?  Why did this happen when it did?

This act was nothing more than a callous act of terrorism,  and in expressing his outrage at this unforgivable crime, the Prime Minister David Cameron has made clear that there will forever be a refusal ever to give in to the demands of terrorists, we must go about our daily lives if we are to show the terrorist that we are never going to be intimidated. 

Prime Minister David Cameron cut short his trip to Europe.
According to reports, the two men who were arrested on suspision for the murder of Lee Rigby, Micheal Adebowale and Micheal Adebolajo were motivated by their islamic extremism. The Islamic community have been quick to condemn the actions of the two and this is rightly so, their's is a form of Islam not recognised by the majority of muslims in the United Kingdom who wish to live in peaceful communities.

There is however a serious issue which, identified by this, that there is  islamic extremism which appears to be growing within this country, and something must be done to address it.
This extremism is not only visible through the acts of terrorism which have shaken the British people, such as the 7/7 attacks in London. But there are preachers out there, such as Qatada and Hamza, who have become a very familiar sight in the media because of the anti western views which they hold. The hatred for democracy and the United Kingdom bellows from their mouths as they attempt to convert others.

There is such a thing, legally speaking, as the freedom of speech, protected by the European Convention of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and incorporated by the Human Rights Act 1998 in which people are free to criticise the government of the day, but there has to be a balance and those who incite hatred should feel the full force of the law. To those people who walk the streets and incite death to British soldiers, for example, they should be brought to justice by the police who are there to guard the protests.
There is a perception which must be addressed by the police as well as the government, the feeling amongst some British people that if these preachers of hate were to go on a protest and incite hatred, they will get away with it. That perception must change, we are a nation which encourages free speech, but there is no room for hatred of any kind. This should be reflected more by the law as opposed to rhetoric from politicians.

The Home Secretary, much to her credit, has announced that she intends to get tough on those who kill police officers. The tough legislation would see those convicted for the murder of police men and women given a life sentence with no chance of parole. I believe that the Home Secretary should extend her proposal to those serving in the British Army, the Navy and the RAF to ensure that if any of these dedicated men and women are unlawfully killed whilst they are on duty in this country, or who are killed through a motive of hate, then the convicted should face life imprisonment without parole.

The Prime Minister has asserted that there will be no knee jerk reactions, but this will be a fundamental change in the law to ensure that this can never happen again without the knowledge that the convicted can never be released from prison, I believe that justice would be served in that case.

Tuesday 21 May 2013

Law Review: The Justice and Security Bill


Attempts to uphold the right to a fair hearing, it could be argued, is threatened by the challenge faced by various governments to maintain national security whilst upholding the rule of law. The United Kingdom government intends to allow ‘closed material procedures’[1] in order for evidence to be heard in secret. The bill seeks to amend[2]  current legislation[3] relating to proceedings of the court where the defendant must face trial by a judge and jury, which is one of the most fundamental aspects of a fair and open hearing where justice is seen to be done.
Another major issue with the Justice and Security Bill which the government seeks to enact is that the Secretary of State for the Home Department may seek to make an application to the court in order to bring about a closed hearing. This undermines the fair operation of the civil justice system[4] whereby evidence can be cross-examined as well as calling evidence themselves. Surely it would be fairer for a judge to decide whether or not there should be closed proceedings rather than the Secretary of State. This bill[5] would cause huge controversy if it were to allow a minister of state the power to make such a decision. The human rights charity, Liberty, describe part 2 of the Justice and Security Bill as ‘unnecessary and corrosive[6]’ and support the removal of certain clauses relating to the holding of secret hearings ‘to prevent severe damage being done to the British justice system.’[7] This proposal may, however, not necessarily breach Article 6 of the convention as the European Court will allow a margin of appreciation, enabling individual states to effectively combat threats to their national security, according to Liberty[8] however, the Justice and Security Bill is incompatible with the right to a fair trial under Article 6 of the Convention because it clearly breaches the minimal right for the defendant to have knowledge of the charges and the evidence against him[9].
 
The problem is however, that the state can legislate on secret hearings easily due to the unwritten constitution of the UK, and courts may only declare the incompatibility[10] with the Convention on Human Rights and not declare the provisions as invalid. The state therefore can exercise an enormous amount of power, such as the power to be bestowed upon the Secretary of State if the Bill[11] were to be enacted, where it should be for the courts to protect human rights under the Convention. Since 2001, governments in Canada and the United Kingdom appear to have increasingly sought to use secret evidence against individuals suspected of being a security threat.[12] In Canada, for example, the executive, with the approval of the court, may call upon a witness to testify against the defendant on oath in a secret investigative hearing[13] and furthermore, the Attorney General in Canada may block the release of any ‘sensitive’ material in proceedings which could consequently harm national security.[14]  Secrecy is a source of contradiction in a democratic state[15] because although it is paramount for the state to ensure the security of the people, it prevents the people from making informed choices about how they wish to see their country governed. The weakness of the use of secret evidence is the dependence that the judiciary then have on the executive and the dynamic of closed hearings that seems to favour the security interest.[16] This approach is questionable; any person whom the government feels is a threat to national security could face a closed hearing, without knowledge of the evidence against him. It does seem however, that the European Court of Human Rights acts as a safeguard against any unfairness to which the Qatada[17] case is a perfect example, the evidence against him was heard in closed proceedings and he was deemed to be a threat to national security, however, the possible infringement of his right to a fair trial resulted in the UK government losing their case in the Court.

One of the most fundamental questions relating to the protection under Article 6 of the Convention is whether it is safe to convict a suspect on evidence which he cannot question or cross examine. The minimal guarantee under Article 6(3)(d)[18] makes clear that the source of the evidence must be cross examined in court in stating that;

 

‘Everyone charged with a criminal offence has the right to examine or have examined witnesses against him…’[19]

 



[1] Justice and Security Bill, part 2
[2] Justice and Security Bill, Clause 6
[3] S69, Senior Courts Act 1981
[4] The Law Society, Secret courts plans: government concessions don't go far enough, says Law Society (http://www.lawsociety.org.uk/news/press-releases/secret-courts-plans--government-concessions-don-t-go-far-enough,-says-law-society/  (accessed April 2013)
[5] Justice and Security Bill
[6] Liberty’ Liberty’s Report stage briefing on Part 2 of the Justice and Security Bill in the House of Lords http://www.liberty-human-rights.org.uk/pdfs/policy12/liberty-s-report-stage-briefing-part-2-justice-security-bill-hol-nov-2012-.pdf (accessed April 2013) Page 3
[7] I.b.i.d Page 3
[8] I.b.i.d Page 17
[9] Vanjak v Croatia (2010) Jan 14 App No. 29889/04 at [52].
[10] S4, Human Rights Act 1998
[11] Justice and Security Bill
[12] Gus Van Harten, Weaknesses of Adjudication in the Face of Secret Evidence (International Journal of Evidence and Proof, 2009) Page 1
[13] The Criminal Code of Canada 1985 (As amended in 2001)
[14] S38, Canada Evidence Act 1985 (As amended in 2001)
[15] Gus Van Harten (n 263) page 1
[16] I.b.i.d page 11
[17] [2012] 8139/09
[18] European Convention of Human Rights
[19] Article 6(3)(d), European Convention of Human Rights

Monday 20 May 2013

Are you In or Out? Deciding Britain's Future in the European Union.



I start with a mention of the year 1975.  Britain gripped by the post war concensus, the Labour party were in power under Harold Wilson and a pint of milk cost just 7p.

The Conservatives commit to offering In/Out Referendum.  
Alot has changed since then, not just in the United Kingdom, but in the rest of the world. But the year 1975 was the last time the people of the UK were given a say on the membership of the European Union. We are now presented with a situation at home where a whole generation of Britons have never been given a choice over Europe.
It simply cannot be expressed enough just how much has changed. The European Comunnity (EC) was originally founded after the Second World War, the peoples' of Europe would never again fall at the hands of fascism, never again would the peoples' of Europe be oppressed.

The United Kingdom entered the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973 and was initially a common market, but we have seen over the decades political and monetary union.
The Maarstricht Treaty in 1993 gave us the introduction of the single currency and a number of employment law provisions right up to the Lisbon Treaty, effectively deemed the 'Constitutional Treaty.' 
From a legal perspective, there is a well known phrase that every law student or practising lawyer will be aware, where domestic law and European Union law conflict, EU law shall prevail. This is the effect that the EU has in that it penetrates domestic law and during the 1980's, the European Court of Justice set aside a peice of legislation (Merchant Shipping Act 1988) because it did not comply with European Union law. (The case of Factortame). This legislation was passed by the sovereign Parliament.
There are those, however, who would argue that the penetration of European Union law into domestic law is the will of Parliament, because legislation would have to have been passed through in order for EU law to have supremacy, but if the United Kingdom had not enacted treaties, for example, into domestic law, then would the UK have credibly been able to continue to be a member? Would the UK have been forced out? This is why it is crucial now to take the debate to the country.

The Coalition government has introduced the referendum lock (s2(2) European Union Act 2011) in which if there is ever a new treaty which seeks to amend or replace the Treaty on European Union (TFEU) the British people will have the power to accept or decline the treaty in a referendum.
This move brings Europe closer to us, we are able to have a say on laws which are decided in Europe, and historically, have been rushed through Parliament with no consideration for the consultation of the British people. But we must, as a country, go further.

Not only has a lot changed in Britain since 1975, but our relationship with the European Union has changed and if we simply kick this issue into the long grass, so to speak, then we risk subjecting our children to the ever changing and complicated relationship with the European Union and even our children will be denied the chance to voice their opinion. This ceases to remain an issue of whether one is simply for the membership of the European Union and those who are strongly opposed, or even those who occupy a centre ground that Britain's membership is important, but there must be reform. This is about giving people a say on Britain's future of the European Union.

UKIP advocate an immediate withdrawal from the EU
We have seen in recent weeks the rise of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) who pledge that they would withdraw immediately from the European Union. Where will they stand, when the people of the United Kingdom are given the opportunity to vote in a referendum should there be a Conservative government returned at the next general election in 2015? What will their policy change to?  The issue is, that the UK Independence Party exist purely to oppose the European Union. If we decide to leave the EU, will UKIP serious continue to be the great libertarian party that it claims to be. Will UKIP establish some real ec
onomic policies which rival that of Ed Balls MP in terms of their stupidity. I am of the opinion that this will be very unlikely.

James Wharton MP will lead the charge on an In/Out Referendum
There has come about a real opportunity to make a difference in the form of the Member of Parliament for Stockton South, James Wharton MP, who recently came out on top of the private members ballot. James Wharton has given his intention to bring about the European Union referendum on Britain's membership. He has handed the British people a great opportunity and I trust he will lead the charge and a very effective campaign to argue that it is time for the British people to finally have a say.

I hope that the whole country will be united behind James Wharton by getting in touch with their local Memeber of Parliament and pushing the case for a say on Britain's membership of the European Union. It is time to settle the Europe question once and for all, that time has to be now.

It is time to give a whole generation of Britons, whom have had no say regarding Europe, a real choice about the decisions that will come to affect them and their families as well as securing the best possible deal for the United Kingdom. Regardless of whether people believe Britain should leave, or whether we should be in Europe and fighting for British interests.








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Case Comment: The case of Abu Qatada.


The introduction of the Human Rights Act 1998 has incorporated rights such as the ‘core principle’ of the right to a fair trial which is not a relatively new concept in the United Kingdom but the protection of this right is intended to enshrine the fundamental principle of the rule of law.The right which is protected under article 6 is so fundamentally important in a democratic society. It expresses a fundamental principle of the rule of law and is to be interpreted broadly.The fact that the right to a fair trial is given a broad meaning is effective in the protection of human rights in the UK, although it is difficult to say what Article 6 adds to our law because a right to a fair trial has always been an integral part and therefore some comfort can be taken in the fact that our laws protecting the right to a fair trial shall continue even if they are to a higher standard of protection than under the convention. Individuals under article 6 shall not be punished unless they have committed a crime, before they are punished, it shall be proven and not presumed.

Qatada could not be given a fair trial in Jordan.
One of the most important questions for the United Kingdom as a modern democratic state[1] is how effectively does it protect citizens, in the name of national security, without infringing the rights of those who are suspected of offences of terrorism[2] and whether the operation of the Human Rights Act is in need of reform in order to better protect the rights of those suspected or of those in the wider community. It is the duty of the courts to balance the rights of the individual and the community and in relation to the threat of terrorism; the court must consider the threat faced by society.[3] Under Article 6 of the convention, the individual has the right to know the case against him and he is able to challenge it, however there are situations where the defendant is not allowed to know what the evidence is against him.[4] In the United Kingdom, offences of terrorism have been created where the burden of proof is on the defendant[5] and has created a situation where one is guilty until proven innocent, which seems worryingly contrary to the protection of the presumption of innocence under Article 6[6] To be detained on grounds of suspicion of terrorist activity is a very serious charge, and therefore it seems right that the defendant should be presumed innocent, however the threat of terrorism itself is such a serious issue that disclosing all the evidence to the defendant could threaten national security[7]. The European Court has considered this kind of situation and has found that where the defendant does not see all of the evidence against him, this does not necessarily affect his right to a fair trial[8] so long as there an adequate framework for monitoring decisions made by the court.  The assurance given by the European Court that it is likely to be more fair if it a court, rather than an administrative or executive officer, considers the evidence without the defendant having knowledge of it because the judge will make a fair decision based on all of the evidence.[9] The terrorism legislation also provides for the appointment of a ‘special advocate’ who is able to see the evidence which the defendant cannot and therefore advocate on behalf of the defendant. In this sense, the protection of the fair trial is upheld because the defendant, although not entitled to see all of the evidence, can be represented by somebody arguing on their behalf, cross examining the evidence against the defendant which is an important safeguard in combating the terrorist threat and upholding the principle of human rights protection. The Convention on Human Rights gives people a sense of assurance that the state cannot impose legislation which will simply remove their human rights, the incorporation of Article 6 has given people the right to a fair trial have been used to ensure that the government’s counter-terrorism measures are applied in a human rights compliant way, thus making them more effective[10] and therefore the current operation of human rights legislation should be conserved.
In light of the European Court decision in Chahal[11] that not disclosing evidence to the defendant may not infringe his right under Article 6,[12] and given that the Terrorism Acts do not contain provisions which directly infringe or threaten Article 3,[13] there must be a real temptation on the part of those investigating or attempting to prevent serious terrorist crimes to take such steps.[14] The House of Lords discussed this potential problem in the case of A v Secretary of State for the Home Department[15] in light of terrorist legislation introduced by the state to detain foreign national terrorist suspects.[16] The special Immigration Appeals Commission, by rule 44(1)[17] was able to receive evidence which would not have been admissible in court because the Home Secretary had relied upon evidence obtained from a foreign country known to practice torture[18]. Freedom from torture is one of the most fundamental human rights and must be protected[19] so how could it ever be justified to rely upon evidence obtained through torture in the trial of a terrorist suspect whom has been detained by the state? Before the case was appealed in the House of Lords, Laws LJ stated
‘If the evidence obtained by torture was from abroad, so long as the United Kingdom had neither ‘procured’ nor ‘connived in’ that torture and had no control over those responsible, the Home Secretary could then rely on that evidence[20]
The judgement by the Court of Appeal amounted to an absurdity[21] because the judges almost asserted that evidence from torture could be used so long as there was no involvement from the UK, but as Neuberger LJ made clear in his dissenting judgement,[22] relying upon evidence which has been obtained by torture still affects the rights of the detained under the Convention. When the case was appealed in the House of Lords,[23] the seven law lords unanimously and wholeheartedly rejected the Court of Appeal’s conclusions.[24] The House of Lords considered that if the evidence obtained through torture would not be admissible in a court of law, then it should be excluded ‘irrespective of where, by whom, or on whose authority the torture was inflicted’[25] and this was the right approach in that the evidence obtained by torture is considered to be unreliable and in no court of the United Kingdom should such evidence be admitted, even if it is true evidence[26] because this can affect the right to a fair trial of the defendant because he is being convicted on unreliable evidence which is cannot be said to be beyond any reasonable doubt. Neuberger LJ had been correct in his dissenting judgement that reliance upon evidence obtained by torture would amount to a breach of Article 6[27] because not only could the evidence be considered unreliable, but the United Kingdom has an obligation under international law[28] to eliminate the practice of torture.[29] With regard to whether there is a need for fundamental reform of the Human Rights Act 1998 in relation to this area, it is clear that for the executive, such court judgements can be frustrating when there is an effort to detain individuals who are truly dangerous to the public, but the protection given by the courts to ensure a fair trial under the Convention is a healthy reflection of a democratic society and in this case, the court made clear that the Home Secretary should have not considered evidence unless it was shown to not have been obtained by torture.[30] However, if the United Kingdom did not incorporate the Convention into domestic law, would the House of Lords have come to the same conclusion? Yes, because the rule of inadmissibility of evidence procured by torture is recognised in the commons law[31] and therefore has developed an exclusionary rule.[32]
In A v Secretary of State for the Home Department[33], the House of Lords based their decision on the constitutional principles rather than the legal rules[34] because the House of Lords, as then the Supreme Court, acts as a ‘constitutional watchdog’[35]  and there to protect the ‘bedrock moral principle’[36] which is the ‘touchstone’ of human and civilised legal systems[37] and although the United Kingdom had not incorporated the provisions under the torture conventions, their lordships thought it so important that it represents a universal rule in which the common law does[38] Although this clearly has not stopped Parliament from implementing laws that extend restrictions on freedom,[39] the domestic courts will always uphold the rule of law, even if upholding the law as it is causes frustration in the relationship between the judiciary and the executive.  It is because of the sometimes frustrated relationship between the executive and the judiciary that the Human Rights Act 1998 is often blamed for administrative decisions that have been caricatured as privileging the rights of criminals and terrorists[40] and remains a controversial piece of legislation blamed for weakening the ‘war’ against terrorism and for early release of criminals.[41]
ECHR rejected SIAC's decision on Qatada and Article 6
 More recently, this view of the Human Rights Act 1998 and possible abolition have arisen as a result of the European Court of Human Rights decision in Othman v United Kingdom[42]  where the Court held that by deporting the defendant back to his home country of Jordan, there would be a ‘flagrant denial of justice’[43] and therefore there would be a breach under Article 6 of the Convention.  The original decision made by the Special Immigration Appeals Commission[44] made clear that they did not believe that Qatada would be denied justice in Jordan and nor did they believe that the evidence that would be used in his retrial would have been obtained through torture of a third party[45]. SIAC[46] also acknowledged that although the court in Jordan was a military court which was known to be impartial, there was no evidence that specific judges would be given specific cases and furthermore, there was no evidence that the court was ‘leaned’[47] on by the state, therefore it could be argued that if Qatada had been deported, his human rights would not be breached in relation to Article 6[48] and he would not be subject to a ‘flagrant denial of justice.’[49] This decision, made by a British court, held that Qatada would be given a fair trial in Jordan and agreed with the case made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department that he posed a threat to national security in the United Kingdom. The European Court of Human Rights, however, have disagreed with the decision made by the Special Immigration Appeals Commission and have blocked his deportation, thus, in the same way the European Court made their decision on prisoner voting,[50] they have prevented the state from deporting somebody who poses a huge threat to national security. It is simply unacceptable that reassurances have been given by the Jordanians to the United Kingdom that Qatada will not be subject to any ill treatment and that he will receive a fair trial, but we still cannot deport a dangerous foreign criminal.[51] Before the case entered the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Appeal[52] stated that SIAC had misunderstood ‘the fundamental nature in convention law’ of the prohibition of evidence obtained through torture[53] and although the Court of Appeal was in full agreement of just how dangerous Qatada was to national security, the right to a fair trial enshrined under Article 6 of the Convention stands as a universal right for everyone, regardless of whatever offence they have been alleged to have committed. The judgement given by the European Court of Human Rights provides guidance on a number of issues that arise in the context of the deportation of terrorist suspects as it deals with the risk of torture of the defendant and evidence obtained by torture being relied upon in a court of law[54] First of all, it was unclear whether the diplomatic assurances given by Jordan were enough to remove the ‘real risk’ of ill treatment of Qatada,[55] and secondly, whether a signatory to the European Convention could deport a terrorist suspect to a state which is not bound by the provisions in the Convention, in which standards may ‘fall short’[56] of what is required under Article 6.[57] The issues raised by the European Court of Human Rights on the original hearing conducted by SIAC, found that the Appeals Commission issued two judgements, the first was made public and the second submitted to the Secretary of State to the Home Department and the special advocates[58] and also, SIAC heard evidence in both open and closed sessions, which under the anti-terrorism laws[59] would require a special advocate on behalf of Qatada. How could it be argued that Qatada faced a fair trial in the United Kingdom if he was represented by a special advocate whom could not see all of the evidence and was unable to carry out one of the most basic functions in a hearing, that of cross examination. If the evidence was not cross examined and a judgment was submitted to the Secretary of state without being disclosed to the public, then how is it possible for the public to be satisfied that justice is seen to be done? Before the introduction of the anti-terrorism legislation, terrorist suspects were prosecuted as common criminals and in times of emergency, internment has taken suspected terrorists of the streets altogether.[60] The balance must be right in that terrorist suspects such as Qatada receive a fair trial and must be aware of the charges and evidence to be used against him, but the state has a duty to protect the people, hence why evidence is kept from the public domain and hearings held in secret. In the case of Qatada[61], there does not need to be reform in the way of the Human Rights Act 1998 and the incorporation of the European Convention as the ruling, however frustrating for the British government it may be, promotes a healthy dialogue between the judiciary and the executive on how to deal with a danger to national security in a way which is right and fitting for a democratic society.  
 




[1] I.b.i.d 1259
[2] Defined under s1, Terrorism Act 2000
[3] Per Lord Hope, R v DPP, ex parte Kebilene [2000] 2 AC 326
[4] Hoffman (n 4) page 380
[5] S57 Terrorism Act 2000
[6] European Convention on Human Rights
[7] Hoffman (n 4) page 380
[8] Chahal v United Kingdom [1997] 23 EHRR 413
[9] Hoffman (n 4) page 380
[10] Human Rights Lawyers Association (n 63) page 8
[11] [1997] 23 EHRR 413
[12] European Convention on Human Rights
[13] European Convention on Human Rights
[14] Hoffman (n 4) page 373
[15] A and Others v Secretary of State for the Home Department (No 2) [2005] UKHL 71
[16] S21, 23 Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001
[17] Special Immigration Appeals Commission (Procedure) Rules 2003
[18] Xiaofei Lu, A v Secretary of State for the Home Department (UCL Jurisprudence Review, case comment 2007) page 1
[19] Press Release, UN Secretary-General 2005
www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2001/sgsm7855.doc.htm , accessed March 2013
[20] Per Laws LJ, A and Others v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2004] EWCA Civ 1123 at [252]
[21] Xiaofei Lu (n 208) at page 3
[22] [2004] EWCA Civ 1123, para 467
[23] [2005] UKHL 71
[24] Xiaofei Lu (n 208) page 2
[25] Per Lord Bingham, A and Other v Secretary of State for the Home Department (no 2) [2005] UKHL 71 at [51]
[26] Per Lord Carswell, I.b.i.d at [148]
[27] European Convention on Human Rights
[28] United Nations Convention Against Torture 1984
[29] Deidre M. Dwyer, Closed Evidence, Reasonable Suspicion and Torture: A and Others v Secretary of State for the Home Department (International Journal of Evidence and Proof, 2005 Case Comment) page 2
[30] I.b.i.d page 1
[31] Amrita Mukherjee, Special Immigration Appeals Commission: Admissibility of Evidence Obtained by Torture (Journal of Criminal Law, 2005 Case Comment) page 3
[32] S76, Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984
[33] [2005] UKHL 71
[34] Xiaofei Lu (n 208) page 3
[35] Sir John Laws, Is the High Court the Guardian of Fundamental Constitutional Rights? [1993] Public Law pp 59-79
[36] [2005] UKHL 71 at [64]
[37] I.b.i.d at [83]
[38] Xiaofei Lu (n 208) page 3
[39] Richard Stone, Civil Liberties and Human Rights (8th edition OUP)
[40] Wadham, Mountfield, Prochaska and Brown (n 13)
[41] Helen Fenwick and Kevin Kerrigan, Civil Liberties and Human Rights (2011-2012 Routledge) page 229
[42] Othman (Abu Qatada) v United Kingdom [2012] 8139/09.
[43] [2012] 8139/09
[44] [2009] 1 LRC 738 at 751
[45] Othman (Abu Qatada) v United Kingdom [2012] 8139/09 at [46]
[46] Special Immigration Appeals Commission
[47] Othman (Abu Qatada) v United Kingdom [2012] 8139/09 at [46]
[48] The European Convention on Human Rights
[49] [2012] 8139/09
[50] Hirst v United Kingdom (No 2) 2005 74025/01
[51] Theresa May MP, Secretary of State for the Home Department, Hansard (House of Commons 7 Feb 2012 : Column 166)
[52] [2009] 1 LRC 738
[53] I.b.i.d  at [45]
[54] Deportation:  Deportation of a Foreign National, Safety on Return- Othman v United Kingdom (European Human Rights Law Review, 2012 Case Comment) page 5
[55] Christopher Michaelsen, The renaissance of non-refoulement? The Othman (Abu Qatada) decision of the European Court of Human Rights (International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 2012) Page 1
[56] I.b.i.d page 1
[57] European Convention on Human Rights
[58] [2012] 8139/09 at page 7
[59] I.b.i.d page 7
[60] Ben Brandon, Terrorism, Human Rights and the Rule of Law; 120 years of the UK’s Legal Response to Terrorism (Criminal Law Review, 2004) Page 9
[61] [2012] 8139/09